A chilling sense of déjà vu: China's perspective on Trump's America
Imagine being a comedian, like Vickie Wang, stepping onto a New York stage, but with a constant worry about crossing invisible lines. Wang, a recent transplant from Shanghai, has noticed a palpable shift in the US political climate since Donald Trump's reelection. She's not alone in feeling this way; many with a Chinese background sense an eerie familiarity to the political landscape back home.
Enemies are ostracized, the president demands unwavering loyalty, and journalists are targeted. It's a scenario that feels all too reminiscent of China's strongman leader, Xi Jinping, whom Trump has openly admired. As the two leaders met for trade talks, it seemed the US was being pulled towards China's political model, a far cry from the liberalization many had hoped for.
"The US is undergoing a cultural revolution," asserts Zhang Qianfan, a constitutional law professor at Peking University. He draws parallels between Trump's mobilization of grassroots support to undermine elites and China's Cultural Revolution half a century ago.
Since the early chaos of Trump's administration, a new political atmosphere has emerged, one that continues to resonate with those familiar with China's political system.
The most striking similarity? The crackdown on free speech.
Deng Haiyan, a former police officer turned CCP critic, experienced a shocking backlash after tweeting about the death of Charlie Kirk. He faced a wave of accusations, including being labeled a Chinese spy, a taste of the social surveillance he had fled China to escape.
"This should only happen in an authoritarian country," Deng exclaimed, shocked by the turn of events in the US.
Maria Repnikova, an associate professor at Georgia State University, notes the emergence of social surveillance in the US, a practice reminiscent of China. Students reporting on teachers, a CCP-encouraged tactic, is now a concern in the US as well.
Zhang Qianfan laments the decline of America's image among Chinese liberals. "We used to see America as the beacon of constitutional democracy, but after Trump, this lighthouse seems dimmer."
Chinese liberals, often critical of their own political system, are now finding America's system more objectionable. Zhang acknowledges the pain of this realization but points to China's post-pandemic initiatives in environmental improvement and electric car development as positive steps, contrasting them with the perceived decline of the West.
The Trump administration's acquisition of stakes in US companies has drawn further comparisons with China's blurred lines between government and private industry. Some investors worry that the US is entering a new era of government interference.
Despite these similarities, there are still significant differences. Several news organizations, including The Guardian, refused to sign a Pentagon policy demanding government-authorized news reporting, a move that would be unthinkable in China's CCP-controlled media landscape. US courts have also blocked or overturned many of Trump's actions, a level of judicial independence that China lacks.
"The United States could descend into crisis, but it will still be freer and more liberal than Xi's China," says Isaac Stone Fish, founder of Strategy Risks. Zhang Qianfan notes that while many Chinese intellectuals were shocked by US universities' capitulation on diversity and free speech, in China, top universities are state-owned by default, leaving little room for dissent.
Even in the US, precautions once associated with authoritarian regimes are now being taken. A US professor, once outspoken on US-China issues, declined to be interviewed, fearing censorship. He feels less afraid to criticize Xi than to speak ill of Trump.
The parallels between Trump's America and China are striking, raising important questions about the future of democracy and free speech.
